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Sexual Violence & Economic Security
overview of the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families Program

This document was supported by Cooperative Agreement #1H28CE002205-01 from the Centers for Disease Control
and Prevention. Its contents are solely the responsibility of the authors and do not necessarily represent 
the official views of the CDC.

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The content of this publication may be reprinted with the following acknowledgement: This material was reprinted,
with permission, from the National Sexual Violence Resource Center’s publication titled Sexual Violence & Economic
Security: Overview of the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families Program. This guide is available by visiting www.nsvrc.org.

© National Sexual Violence Resource Center 2013. All rights reserved.


SEXUAL VIOLENCE & ECONOMIC SECURITY

OVERVIEW OF THE TEMPORARY ASSISTANCE FOR NEEDY FAMILIES PROGRAM
___________________________________________________________________________________


Sexual violence and economic insecurity are intricately linked. Poverty and unemployment are community and societal risk
factors for the perpetration of sexual violence (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Centers for Disease Control
and Prevention [CDC], 2009). Economic insecurity is a risk factor for sexual victimization throughout the world 
(Jewkes, Sen, & Garcia-Moreno, 2002). Poverty can make it harder for people to access the services they need to be safe 
or to heal from sexual violence.

Sexual violence can interfere with survivors’(1) education and employment, which can mark the
beginning of an economic downward spiral. For others, sexual violence occurs within an existing
context of poverty where sexual exploitation goes hand-in-hand with survival.
The economic effects of sexual violence can cause victims to find themselves in need
of public assistance as a temporary bridge. Advocates play a critical role in engaging public
assistance offices in systems advocacy and in connecting survivors to the assistance
they need.
This guide was developed primarily for advocates at community-based sexual
assault programs who provide direct services to survivors of sexual violence or engage
in prevention education and community collaborations. The goal of this guide is to
support advocates in both connecting victims to the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families
(TANF) Program and ensuring that the TANF Program is responsive to the needs of sexual
violence victims. This guide includes:

 • A discussion of the connections between sexual violence and economic insecurity
 • An overview of TANF
 • A discussion of the Family Violence Option
 • TANF advocacy strategies 
___________________________________________________________________________________
(1) Throughout this document, the terms “victim” and “survivor” are used interchangeably to be inclusive of the various ways people who
have experienced sexual violence may identify. The National Sexual Violence Resource Center (NSVRC) recognizes and supports the use of
person-first terminology that honors and respects the whole person, which is also reflected in this document. Finally, NSVRC acknowledges
that individuals should ultimately choose the language that is used to describe their experiences and therefore, supports advocacy
approaches that are person-centered and that use the terminology preferred by individuals they serve.


SECTION ONE
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CONNECTIONS BETWEEN SEXUAL VIOLENCE & ECONOMIC INSECURITY

Costs of Sexual Violence

Surviving sexual violence can be costly. Victims often incur costs associated with criminal justice
proceedings, medical care, mental health care, transportation, housing, child care, lost wages,
interrupted education, property damage, and less tangible costs stemming from a decreased
quality of life and well-being. In 2008, researchers estimated that nationally each
rape costs a survivor approximately $151,423 (DeLisi et al., 2010). These costs are not simply
unexpected; they can push individuals and families over an economic edge. Economic
impacts can be felt in both the immediate aftermath of sexual violence and over the
course of the life span. There are many ways that sexual violence can interfere with a person’s
job and economic stability. Examples follow.


Interrupted Education

Sexual violence in childhood, adolescence, and young adulthood can interrupt education, which
can limit a person’s ability to compete in the job market for a living wage. Victims often endure
long-term economic costs associated with sexual violence, particularly in terms of lifetime
earnings. One study found that when sexual violence occurs in adolescence, one of the most
immediate results is a disinvestment in education; this can lead to lower occupational
status and personal income during adulthood, with an estimated lifetime income loss due to
sexual assault being $241,600 (MacMillan, 2000).


*Image* (Individual searching the classified section of the newspaper)

Interrupted Employment

Following sexual violence, a person could need to attend counseling, criminal justice, medical, and
other appointments, which can cause them to miss work and lose wages. The National
Violence Against Women Survey found that almost 20% of adult female victims of rape,
and almost 10% of adult male victims of rape, lost time from work (Tjaden & Thoennes, 2006).
Another study reported that 50% of rape victims lost employment or were forced to
quit their jobs in the year following their rapes because of the severity of their reactions (Ellis,
Atkeson, & Calhoun, 1981). For many victims, the effects of trauma and need for time off to attend
appointments that enable them to heal can result in them being fired or having to quit
their jobs. Women who were physically and sexually abused in adulthood were unlikely to
work at least 30 hours a week for six or more months (Lyon, 2002). Additionally, even when
sexual violence occurs in the distant past, work might be interrupted. Adverse childhood
experiences, including child sexual abuse, can lead to poor job performance and work
absenteeism in adulthood (Anda et al., 2004).

___________________________________________________________________________________

TRAUMATIC EXPERIENCES, SUCH AS SEXUAL VIOLENCE, CAN INTERFERE WITH CAREGIVING OBLIGATIONS,
PUSUIT OF GOALS, AND THE ABILITY TO HOLD A JOB.
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Substance Use

Some victims might use drugs or alcohol as a way to cope with the effects of sexual violence,
which can undermine their productivity. Nearly 90% of women who struggle with alcoholism
were sexually abused as children or suffered (Jennings, 2004). Seventy-five percent of
women in treatment programs for drug and alcohol abuse report having been sexually
abused (Jennings, 2004). In a study of 100 adults who abused multiple drugs, 70% of
female and 56% of male drug users had been sexually abused before the age of 16 (Jennings,
2004). Stress is a powerful trigger for using alcohol or drugs and often contributes to relapses
among individuals in recovery (Bloom, 2002).


Mental Health and Disability

Following sexual violence, sleeplessness, anxiety, depression, fear, and other mental
health struggles can make it difficult to concentrate at work. Between 50% and 95% of
women develop post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) after being raped, which can have severe
and long-lasting physiological and psychological effects, interrupting a person’s concentration
and general well-being (Johns Hopkins University School of Public Health, 1999), and increase the
risk for concurrent use of drugs and alcohol. The Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACE) Study
found a direct link between child maltreatment — including sexual abuse — and depression,
psychotropic medication use, and low mental health scores in adulthood (Chapman et al.,
2004). Adult survivors of childhood sexual violence can experience long-term problems
such as depression, physical or somatic ailments, eating disorders, suicidal thoughts and attempts,
and substance use disorders (Yuan, Koss, & Stone, 2006). Traumatic experiences, such as
sexual violence, can interfere with caregiving obligations, pursuit of goals, and the ability to
hold a job (Bassuk, Melnick, & Browne, 1998).


Relocation

Victims report that more than 50% of all rape/sexual assaults occur either at their home or
within one mile of their home (Greenfield, 1997). When sexual violence happens at or near one’s
home, it can create a dire need to relocate. In a survey of 251 sexual assault advocates, 88% of
participants said that sexual violence victims need to relocate quickly after an assault (National
Sexual Violence Resource Center [NSVRC], 2011). Families might need to relocate quickly, because
a perpetrator could be living in the home or close by. They may need to enroll children in
new child care/school, meet with child-protective services, or respond to other concerns related
to a child’s well-being. Accessing safe, affordable housing options poses significant challenges
in volatile economic climates. Because victims of sexual violence often experience economic
insecurity, finding safe and affordable housing options can be extremely difficult. Relocation —
whether to an apartment, house, hotel, shelter, or other housing option — can take time and
resources. The need to relocate might add to factors that can result in missed days at work or
school, or lost wages for many victims.

*Image* (Mother and daughter packing dishes for their move)


Sexual Violence and poverty

Economic insecurity is a critical primary-prevention issue. While poverty or
unemployment do not directly cause sexual violence, both have been identified as
contributing risk factors to its occurrence (Jewkes et al., 2002; CDC, 2009). Poverty is a
risk factor for victimization, increasing people’s risks for sexual exploitation in the workplace,
schools, and in prostitution, sex trafficking, and the drug trade (Jewkes et al., 2002). People
with the lowest socioeconomic status are at greater risk for violence (Jewkes et al., 2002).
Individuals who lack sufficient economic resources to meet their basic needs often are
sexually exploited by perpetrators who force them to barter sex for essential goods as a way
to survive (Jewkes et al., 2002).

Poverty can be a catch-22, where sexual exploitation and violence go hand-in-hand with
survival. For example, should a person:

• Stay at a job and endure sexual exploitation or quit and be unable to feed the family?
• Stay in a home where sexual harassment by the landlord is an ongoing occurrence or leave
  and become homeless?
• Trade sex for money (which inherently includes risk of injury by the people buying sex acts) or
  risk injury by a pimp, or go without basic needs such as shelter, food, and clothing?

Layers of sexual exploitation often exist in the lives of people living in poverty.

Furthermore, sexual violence can exacerbate the daily struggles that victims face in meeting basic
needs. Getting necessary support in the aftermath of sexual violence often competes
with other needs such as putting food on the table, keeping a roof overhead, holding down a
job, finishing school, paying for child care, or putting gas in the car.




Sexual Violence and Public Assistance

Sexual violence and poverty affect women and children disproportionately. Therefore, it
is critical to examine the ways in which sexual violence can create a need for economic-support
systems, such as public assistance. While public assistance programs such as TANF can provide
some level of support to victims, the very nature of sexual violence can create barriers to work
and to adhering to the requirements of the TANF program. This makes the role of an advocate
critical in helping survivors navigate TANF and avoid harsh sanctions and/or time limits while
they attend to their health, mental health, criminal justice, family and other needs in the
aftermath of sexual violence.

While the research on sexual violence victims’ need for and use of public assistance is limited,
available data are helpful in shedding light on this issue:

  • In a national survey of 600 domestic and sexual violence advocates and other
  anti-poverty advocates, responses showed that “TANF can be an important and necessary
  resource for [sexual assault victims],” but that more research is needed to better understand
  the specific needs and experiences of sexual violence victims within the TANF program
  (Casey, Davies, Gifford, & Menard, 2010).

  • More than half of all women receiving welfare experienced physical abuse. When
  asked, most of the women receiving welfare also reported physical and/or sexual abuse in
  childhood (Lyon, 2002).

  • Sixty percent of welfare recipients have suffered from violence at some point in their
  lives (Laakso & Drevdahl, 2006).

  • Thirty-eight percent of women interviewed in a Washington state study on the links between
  teenage pregnancy, child abuse, and welfare dependence were sexually abused as children
  (Laakso & Drevdahl, 2006).


SECTION TWO
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OVERVIEW OF TEMPORARY ASSISTANCE FOR NEEDY FAMILIES (TANF)


What is Public Assistance?

When people hear the terms “public assistance” or “welfare,” they sometimes think of cash
assistance, or the TANF program. In reality, the continuum of public assistance is much broader
and includes health care, housing, food/nutrition, and other types of assistance for millions
of children and adults of all ages throughout the U.S.

There also is a misperception that only people with low incomes benefit from governmental
assistance. In reality, people of all walks of life and income brackets receive government aid in
one form or another. Government assistance can include career development; child care
and child support; counseling; health care; housing and shelter; disability assistance;
disaster relief; educational grants, scholarships, fellowships; loans; social security; tax assistance;
veterans and active duty assistance; and other kinds of aid (U.S. General Services
Administration [GSA], 2012).


What is TANF?

TANF is a public assistance program that provides cash assistance and other work-related
support to families that have no income or earn low wages and have children or are
expecting children.

In other words, TANF is a critical program for single mothers and their children, who are
disproportionately impacted by poverty throughout the United States.

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TANF IS A CRITICAL PROGRAM FOR SINGLE MOTHERS AND THEIR CHILDREN.
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Prior to 1996, this assistance was provided through the Aid to Families with Dependent
Children (AFDC) program, which was established in 1935 under the Social Security Act. In 1996,
with a push to “end welfare as we know it,” TANF was created through the federal
Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA) (Personal
Responsibility, 1996).

With TANF came several significant philosophical and programmatic shifts in the provision of
cash assistance. These shifts are important because they affect how TANF is implemented
throughout the country, the benefits that are available, and the broader context that
influences the ways that recipients are treated.

With TANF came a greater emphasis on moving recipients off of welfare and into employment in
private-market jobs. Both the work requirements and sanctions for failure to meet them increased
for recipients. Aid to immigrants was significantly decreased. A greater emphasis on marriage
as a way out of poverty emerged with TANF. In addition, TANF ushered in a heightened effort
to reduce and prevent out-of-wedlock pregnancies. Philosophically, through PRWORA, welfare
was no longer framed as an entitlement program or as a right to an economic safety net. Instead,
it was offered as a time-limited, temporary program with strict work requirements and
sanctions. Finally, the passage of TANF decentralized oversight of the program from
the federal to state level. This resulted in TANF looking very different across states and tribes,
with states having greater responsibility and flexibility in implementing the program.


*Image* (Mother and daughter sitting outside, with daughter blowing bubbles)


SECTION THREE
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TANF ELIGIBILITY CRITERIA


There are a variety of ways TANF is implemented across states, territories, and tribes. Eligibility
criteria also vary. This section describes general information about eligibility, which was defined
in PRWORA. Advocates can find more information about their local TANF criteria by contacting
their state departments of public welfare or human services and local legal aid, domestic
violence, and anti-poverty programs.


Income

TANF is a means-tested, needs-based program. This means that eligibility for TANF is largely
determined by family income. This income thres hold varies across states, territories, and
tribes. In 2009, the maximum monthly incomes for a family of three were between $269 in Alabama
and $1,641 in Hawaii (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Administration for
Children and Families [HHS], 2012b, Table 12:4).


Family Structure

TANF is restricted to families with minor children and/or families with a woman who
is pregnant. Adults without children could be eligible to receive another form of public
assistance called General Assistance (GA). However, GA is becoming an extinct resource for
people living in poverty throughout the U.S.


U.S. Citizenship

Prior to PRWORA, legal immigrants were generally eligible to receive TANF if they fit their
state’s criteria. The passage of PRWORA in 1996 severely restricted legal immigrants’ access to
cash assistance. Currently, most legal immigrants are not eligible to receive TANF assistance
— including cash assistance, child care, transportation, and job training — until they have
been in the U.S. for at least five years (Schott, 2011). While states are able to use their own
funds to provide TANF to individuals who have recently emigrated, fewer than half do (Schott,
2011). In some locations, welfare can be accessed for children who are U.S. citizens, even if their
parents are without legal status. However, many families without legal status may be reluctant to
access assistance due to fears of deportation, losing their children, and other potential
negative consequences. Advocates can assist by connecting individuals to immigration
attorneys who can help immigrant families navigate their legal options and rights.

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SECTION FOUR
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TANF RECIPIENTS

The majority of TANF recipients are single mothers and their children, who experience high
rates of poverty in the United States. In 2010, there were 1,847,155 U.S. households receiving
TANF (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services [HHS], Administration of Children
and Families, 2012a, Table 1). On average, 2.3 family members received TANF in households
throughout the United States. “Child-only” cases represented 46% of total TANF family caseload,
meaning that in these cases the only family members who received assistance were children
(HHS, 2012a, Table 5). Child-only cases are often a result of adult recipients being sanctioned and/
or exceeding the time limits of the program. The following data are from U.S. Department
of Health and Human Services, Administration for Children and Families.


Adults

An estimated 1,084,828 adults receive TANF (HHS, 2012a, Table 18). The overwhelming
majority of adult recipients are females between the ages of 20 and 40 (HHS, 2012a, Table 20).
Only 14.4% of TANF recipients are married (HHS, 2012a, Table 22). In 2010, less than 15% of adult
recipients were men (HHS, 2012a, Table 19). Nearly 90% of adult recipients were heads of
household (HHS, 2012a, Table 24). The largest racial/ethnic groups are white (36.8%), African
American (33%), and Hispanic (23.7%) (HHS, 2012a, Table 21). More than 92% of adult recipients
are U.S. citizens (HHS, 2012a, Table 26).


Children

An estimated 3,280,153 children receive TANF (HHS, 2012a, Table 31). Seventy-four percent of
children receiving TANF are under the age of 12 (HHS, 2012a, Table 31). Teens represent 796,926
of child recipients, with 11.9% having teen parent status (HHS, 2012a, Table 10). The percentage of
children living in poverty who actually receive TANF has declined over time, as have the
percentages of eligible families that actually receive assistance (Legal Momentum, 2009).


Reduction in Eligible Families Receiving Assistance

According to a report on welfare reform, “Since 1996, the number of welfare recipients has
declined by almost two thirds, falling from 4.8 million families with 9.0 million children in 1995
to 1.7 million families with 3.0 million children in 2008” (Legal Momentum, 2009, p. 1). This
decrease is the result of several possible factors: reduction in the enrollment of families
eligible for TANF, more stringent eligibility standards, and cases being closed because of
time limits and sanctions (Legal Momentum, 2009). A reduction in TANF recipients does not
mean that would-be and former TANF recipients are better off economically. Rather, declines in
TANF participation have been linked to increases in the number of families — the majority being
single mothers and their children — living in extreme poverty. In 2004, more than 1.7 million
single-mother families earned less than $3,000, signifying a striking increase in extreme poverty
(Legal Momentum, 2009).


Percentage of Children Receiving TANF by Age

AGES 0-1	16%
AGES 2-5	28%
AGES 6-11	30.1%
AGES 12-15	16.7%
AGES 16-19	 9.2%
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Most recent data from 2010 (HHS, 2012a, Table 31)



SECTION FIVE
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TANF PROGRAM REQUIREMENTS

Because there is wide variation in how TANF is implemented across states, advocates
are encouraged to contact their state departments of health and human services
and/or public welfare to find out the specific TANF program requirements in their local
communities. What follows is a general overview of the TANF requirements expected of many
program participants. An important take-away message from this discussion is that over time,
the TANF program has become increasingly restrictive through sanctions and work
requirements. Because sexual violence may greatly impede a person’s ability to work, it is
helpful for advocates to understand the TANF program requirements and ways that they can
advocate on behalf of the victims they serve.


Work Requirements

TANF recipients are required to work as soon as they are “job-ready” and within two years
of enrolling in the program. Single parents receiving TANF must work or participate in
work-related activities 30 hours each week, or 20 hours a week if they have a child under the
age of six (HHS, 2009). Two-parent families are required to engage in work or work activities 35
hours per week, or 55 hours per week if they receive federal child care subsidies (HHS, 2009).
Work activities can include (HHS, 2009):

 • unsubsidized employment
 • subsidized employment (where the government pays some or all of the salary)
 • on-the-job training
 • job search and job readiness assistance — not to exceed six weeks in a 12-month period and no
   more than four consecutive weeks (but up to 12 weeks if a state meets certain conditions)
 • work experience (where people engage in work efforts in exchange for cash
   assistance until they can secure unsubsidized employment)
 • community service
 • vocational educational training — not to exceed 12 months
 • job skills training
 • education directly related to employment
 • satisfactory secondary school attendance
 • providing child care services to individuals who are participating in community service


*Image* (Waitress carrying a serving tray)



Sanctions

States might sanction or penalize individuals if they do not meet these requirements, which can
result in a reduction or complete termination of benefits (HHS, 2009). Exceptions are made for
single parents with children younger than six who are unable to find adequate child care and
for individuals experiencing domestic and sexual violence (see the Family Violence Option and
TANF advocacy strategies sections of this guide for more information).


Individual Responsibility Plan

Once individuals are enrolled in the TANF program, they might be required to complete a
plan with their caseworker that describes how they will secure employment. This is often called
the Responsibility Plan, which is an optional program that states can choose to implement.
This plan can include the following components:

  • an employment goal for private-sector employment that leads to employment as
    quickly as possible
  • obligations of individuals such as attending school, maintaining grades, ensuring children
    are in school and immunized, attending classes, and doing other activities that will
    lead to employment
  • services provided by the state, which will support the individual in maintaining
    employment such as job counseling services
  • possible treatment for drug or alcohol problems



SECTION SIX
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TANF PROGRAM BENEFITS


Time Limits

TANF is time-limited. Most recipients cannot receive assistance for more than a total of five
years or 60 months in their lifetime. Time TANF is time-limited. Most recipients cannot
receive assistance for more than a total of five years or 60 months in their lifetime. Time
TANF caseload. Some states could lift this limitation and the 20% caseload cap. For more
information, advocates are encouraged to contact their state departments of health and
human services and/or public welfare offices.


Family Cap

Some states have a family cap restriction for TANF recipients. This means that babies born to
existing TANF recipients are not factored into the family’s total grant calculation. This means
recipients do not receive additional funds when a new child enters the family. The family cap
precedes TANF and began in the early 1990s as a way for states to limit cash assistance and discourage
women from having additional children while receiving cash assistance. Some states
might consider waiving the family cap if the child was conceived as a result of rape or incest.

This policy is highly controversial, with some arguing that it jeopardizes the health and wellbeing
of newborns and infants and leaves women with low incomes — particularly women of color —
with few reproductive and economic choices and freedoms (Levin-Epstein, 2003). Therefore, some
states have revised or removed the family cap. To find out more about family caps, contact your
state department of health and human services and/or public welfare.


Cash Assistance Benefits

Despite some public thinking, monthly cash assistance amounts do not enable recipients
to “live off of the government.” 

*Image* (Chart displaying monthly benefits for different sized households)

Average Monthly Benefits

Family size 				Monthly benefit

All families with children		$391.93
Households with 1 child			$327.39
Households with 2 children		$412.38
Households with 3 children		$496.72
Households with 4 or more children	$595.14

Most recent data from 2010     (HHS, 2012a, Table 41)


Monthly TANF benefits are too low to enable a family to rise out of poverty. In 2008, the benefits in all but one
state were less than 50% of the federal poverty level; in 20 states, the benefits were below 25%
of the poverty level (Schott & Levinson, 2008). In 2010, families with one child received $327.39
per month. Families with two children received $412.38. Families with three children received
$496.72 and families with four or more children received $594.14 per month (HHS, 2012A, Table
41). Given the costs of child care, transportation, health care, food, housing, and other basic
needs, it is clear that monthly TANF benefits alone do not enable families to meet their basic
needs in life, nor do monthly benefit amounts increase dramatically for every additional child.


The Family Violence Option (FVO)

Decades of academic research and advocates’ experiences confirm that sexual violence is a
common barrier to work and to economic security. While TANF can serve as a temporary
source of assistance to offer some relief to a survivor of sexual violence, the short and
long-term traumatic impact of sexual violence can interfere with a person’s ability to comply
with TANF-work requirements and time limits.


What is the Family Violence Option?

The FVO allows states to temporarily exempt victims of violence from certain requirements
and restrictions. The FVO applies to TANF recipients who have been “battered or subjected
to extreme cruelty” (”Personal Responsibility,” 1996, p. 34). The FVO was created out of an
understanding that the effects of violence can interfere with a person’s ability to work and that
work sometimes puts people at risk for further abuse. Therefore, the FVO provides victims of
violence some flexibility while they address the consequences of violence in their lives, allowing
them time to heal and safely remove barriers to work that were caused by violence and abuse.
This includes:

  • Physical acts that resulted in, or threatened to result in, physical injury to the individual
  • Sexual abuse
  • Sexual activity involving a dependent child
  • Being forced, as the caretaker relative of a dependent child, to engage in nonconsensual
    sexual acts or activities
  • Threats of, or attempts at, physical and sexual abuse
  • Mental abuse
  • Neglect or deprivation of medical care


How Does the FVO Work?

FVO is not mandated; states can choose to participate in the waiver option. However, all
states participate in FVO or have a comparable policy (Casey et al., 2010).

There is variation in how FVO is implemented. However, states that adopt FVO certify that they
will engage in the following four efforts:

  • Screen for domestic violence
  • Protect victims’ confidentiality
  • Refer victims to supportive communitybased services
  • Waive such program requirements as time limits, work requirements, or child-support
    enforcement if such requirements would make it more difficult to escape violence or unfairly
    punish victims of violence.


Screening and Referrals

States that choose to administer FVO might screen for violence within the TANF application
or verbally by a caseworker by asking about experiences with abuse. Some public assistance
offices will distribute information about domestic and sexual violence and community-based
victim services via posters or brochures on bulletin boards, in restrooms or waiting rooms.
Given how difficult it can be for victims to disclose their experiences and the safety issues
surrounding such disclosures, collaboration between TANF offices, and community-based
sexual and domestic violence centers is critical.


Confidentiality

Privacy and confidentiality are of the utmost importance for safety. They also are critical in
creating an environment in which individuals feel comfortable disclosing their experiences
and getting the support and assistance they deserve and need throughout the TANF process
and beyond. However, TANF office environments might not be conducive to private, confidential,
or safe disclosures of violence and abuse. Not all survivors will feel comfortable or safe disclosing
abuse to a TANF worker. For some victims, it might not be clear that their victimization is
connected to work and/or their experiences in the TANF program. Regardless of whether
violence is disclosed, victims of violence deserve protections and flexibility when participating
in the TANF program. Advocates can play an important role in ensuring that screening and
referrals are grounded in the needs and rights of victims. They also are critical in helping
victims navigate the TANF program and assisting them in making helpful connections
between their experiences with violence and how those experiences affect their employment and
economic security.


Good Cause Waivers(2)

There are several components of TANF that could be waived for FVO participants because of
a risk of further violence or because of the barriers that violence can create to fulfilling
certain programmatic requirements. To obtain a waiver — Domestic Violence Verification Form
— documentation of violence is required by the state. This often can be provided by an advocate,
medical provider, mental health counselor, child-protective services representative, court
representative, or other social service provider on behalf of the victim, or could be a sworn
statement by the victim. FVO waivers can include the following:

• Child support enforcement: Cooperating with child support enforcement procedures, such as
  establishing paternity or pursuing child support, could be waived for victims of violence.

• Work requirements: Requirements to look for a job, employment, or participate in school
  or job-training activities might be temporarily waived for victims of violence.

• Time limitations: Time limits on eligibility to receive TANF benefits could be lifted for victims
  of violence.

• Teen parent live-at-home: Teen parents who are not married and are under the age
  of 18 are required to live at home or with an adult to receive TANF. If doing so would put the
  parent and/or their child at risk for violence, this requirement can be waived.

• Other requirements, possible penalties or sanctions: Other requirements could be waived
  for victims of violence if such requirements could put a person at further risk or if the effects
  of violence make such requirements difficult to fulfill. For example, administrative procedures
  such as verifying information about violence that has been provided in an application or contacting
  third-parties to confirm such information could cause difficulties or risks for victims of violence.
  Advocates can work with TANF offices to ensure that these practices do not put victims at risk of
  further physical or emotional violence. In addition, victims should not be sanctioned or punished
  if the effects of violence prevented them from meeting programmatic requirements — regardless
  of whether they have applied for the FVO.

Advocates play an important role in protecting the rights of victims and helping
them voice their needs when accessing the FVO and the larger TANF program.
___________________________________________________________________________________

(2) From the Domestic Violence and Welfare Benefits: Family Violence Option Advocacy Manual, by T. Fromson,
L. Sorrentino, A. Hirsch, J. Whitelaw, J. Blazer, & P. Zurflieh, 2003. Retrieved from http://www.pcadv.org/
Resources/Welf.Manual2003Ch.1.pdf. Copyright 2003 by the Pennsylvania Coalition


*Image* (Two young adult women walking hand-in-hand with young boy)


Are Sexual Violence Victims/Survivors Eligible for FVO?

The federal FVO language defining “battered” and “extreme cruelty” includes sexual abuse,
threatened sexual abuse, and sexual abuse against a child without specific mention of the
relationship of the perpetrator. States that choose to use the federal language in implementing
FVO may allow sexual violence victims to participate, whether or not their perpetrator
was a family member or lives in the same home.

However, not all states use the federal language. Therefore, many sexual violence
victims whose perpetrators are non-family members (i.e., coworkers, classmates, neighbors,
acquaintances, strangers, or others) might not be eligible for the FVO. Even in states that use
federal language, sexual violence survivors could fall through the cracks, because the name of
the FVO program emphasizes “Family Violence.” Also, sexual violence victims might not identify
with the words “Family Violence,” especially when their experiences did not involve a family
member. Caseworkers and advocates might not realize that sexual violence survivors are eligible
for the program. See the TANF Advocacy Strategies section for more information.

According to the Family Violence Option: State By State Summary, the following states do not
use federal language: Alabama, Alaska, California, Colorado, Delaware, Florida, Hawaii,
Louisiana, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Nevada, New York, North Carolina,
Oregon, Texas, Vermont, and Washington (Legal Momentum, 2004). According to the same
report, it is unknown if the following states extended the FVO to non-family related sexual
violence: Arkansas, Georgia, Indiana, Nebraska, Ohio, South Carolina, South Dakota, Tennessee,
Wisconsin, and Wyoming. When states do not use federal language, sexual violence victims/
survivors could face greater barriers to being informed about and accessing the FVO.



SECTION SEVEN
___________________________________________________________________________________

TANF ADVOCACY STRATEGIES

Poverty is a contributing risk factor for sexual violence perpetration and victimization. Sexual
violence can interfere with work and economic security. Public assistance, including the TANF
program, can serve as a bridge while victims of sexual violence rebuild their lives. TANF can
potentially assist in preventing further trauma and abuse by giving victims an economic
alternative and vehicle for leaving abusive homes and situations. During harsh economic
times, TANF can become critical for the communities served by sexual assault advocates.

TANF does provide some support, but it is not the complete answer to economic insecurity and
poverty. While a person might transition from TANF to employment, this is not necessarily an
indicator of economic stability. Persistent unemployment and an insufficient federal
minimum wage make it difficult for people to exit poverty permanently. Studies show that people
experience multiple hardships while receiving TANF and after transitioning to employment,
including lack of medical insurance and unmet medical needs, inadequate housing, insufficient
food, and disconnected utilities (Heflin, 2006). A national study of the TANF program found
that domestic and sexual violence survivors experience barriers to accessing TANF
throughout various points of the program’s administration (Casey et al., 2010). For example,
this study found that victims experience difficulties with the application, poor treatment
by TANF staff, inadequate assistance, inconsistencies and inadequacies in the implementation
of the FVO, and even some practices that further jeopardize their safety and well-being.
For an in-depth discussion of the current state of the TANF program as experienced by
domestic and sexual violence victims, see Not Enough: What TANF offers family violence
victims, a joint report by Legal Momentum and the National Resource Center on Domestic
Violence (Casey et al., 2010).

Advocates play a critical role in connecting survivors to TANF as well as working toward
more comprehensive and effective tools to address economic insecurity or poverty. This
section includes strategies that communitybased advocates can consider when
advocating for victims in the TANF system, but is by no means exhaustive. Partnerships
and collaborations — especially with domestic violence and other economic justice advocates —
are crucial to this process.



Individual Advocacy

• Screen survivors about economic insecurity during intake and the first counseling session.
Sample language might include the following:

  “It is common to experience financial difficulties after experiencing sexual
  violence, even if it was in childhood. Many people find they are unable to work due to
  the effects of sexual violence. Is there anything I can do to help you find resources
  in making ends meet? For instance, would public assistance be helpful?”

• Know which public assistance programs are available to people and families experiencing
economic insecurity and develop relationships with key personnel in those agencies so they
are informed about the impact of sexual violence and the needs of victims.

• Determine if there are emergency funds available in the community.

• Provide survivors with information and referrals about public assistance programs,
including TANF and their eligibility for the FVO-waiver program.

• Determine where the local public assistance offices are, their hours of operation and process
for accepting new applications.

• Learn the average amount of time that passes between application and receiving first
payments, so survivors can anticipate when they will receive money.

• Determine barriers to applying, such as victims preferring not to disclose rape or sexual assault,
privacy concerns about disclosure, ramifications of disclosing that a survivor has quit (rather than
was fired) from employment, and potential negative responses from personnel. Assist victims in
accessing resources to address these challenges.

• Assist survivors with their applications, individual responsibility plans, and other
paperwork to ensure that their realities and needs are reflected throughout, and that any
literacy and language barriers are addressed.

• Accompany victims to TANF offices to assist and support them in navigating the system.

• When appropriate, connect victims to legal services attorneys and immigration attorneys
to assist with legal matters and rights.



Organizational Advocacy

• Build relationships with public assistance offices, caseworkers, and personnel by
participating in community task forces addressing community needs such as welfare, poverty,
housing or lack of affordable health care.

• Learn about public assistance offices, processes, climates, challenges, and opportunities
for collaboration. Observe how things work and what the expectations and procedures are
like on any given day. Talk with survivors and TANF advocates regarding common experiences
within the public assistance office environment.

• Engage in cross-training with public assistance personnel and anti-poverty advocates to learn
more about the intersections between sexual violence and public assistance and ways to work
together to ensure that survivors of sexual violence have access to waivers and options.
Identify key goals and messages to address in cross-training.

• Consult with public assistance offices to inform their screening and referral processes.
Individual screening might not be possible or recommended because of the lack of privacy in
public assistance offices, confidentiality, safety concerns, time constraints, and inadequate
training or comfort levels of individual caseworkers on sexual violence issues. Universal
screening — providing everyone with information about the FVO exemption and local domestic
and sexual violence resources — might be another strategy to ensure that survivors of
domestic and sexual violence are connected to the services they need in a way that is safe and
anonymous. Universal screening could include posters, brochures, palm cards, and other
awareness materials that are posted in restrooms and common areas at public
assistance offices, as well as on websites.



Public Awareness and Policy Advocacy

• Work with public assistance offices, policymakers, and caseworkers to ensure that
the FVO is made available to victims of sexual and domestic violence who need waivers, and
that victims are informed of local services and programs for sexual and domestic violence needs.

• Develop public awareness materials for victims, including posters, brochures, and palm cards
about how to get help and disseminate the materials at local public-assistance offices.

• Build partnerships with economic justice advocates, domestic violence advocates, and
others to ensure that public assistance programs are funded and accessible, and that sexual
violence prevention and intervention is integrated into anti-poverty programs and policies.

• Inform legislators and communities about the needs of sexual and domestic violence
survivors, and how TANF and the FVO can be strengthened to ensure victims are able to
access the assistance and services they need in the aftermath of violence.



SECTION EIGHT
___________________________________________________________________________________

ADDITIONAL RESOURCES


• Center for Law and Social Policy:   www.clasp.org

• Center on Budget and Policy Priorities: www.cbpp.org

• The Pennsylvania Coalition Against   Domestic Violence: www.pcadv.org

• National Alliance to End Sexual Violence: www.naesv.org

• National Organization of Sisters of Color Ending Sexual Assault: www.sisterslead.org

• National Resource Center on Domestic Violence: www.nrcdv.org

• National Sexual Assault Coalition Resource Sharing Project:
  www.resourcesharingproject.org

• Pennsylvania Coalition Against Rape: www.pcar.org

• The Urban Institute: www.urban.org

• U.S. Department of Health and Human Services: www.hhs.gov

• VAWnet: www.vawnet.org

• Victim Rights Law Center: www.victimrights.org

• The Welfare Rules Database, operated byThe Urban Institute: 
  http://anfdata.urban.org/wrd/WRDWelcome.cfm



SECTION NINE
___________________________________________________________________________________

PUBLICATION INFORMATION


Contributors

The National Sexual Violence Resource Center wishes to thank the Victim Rights Law Center;
Anne Menard, Executive Director, National Resource Center on Domestic Violence; and Jill Davies,
Attorney and Deputy Director, Greater Hartford Legal Aid, for their thoughtful review of and
contributions to this guide.


About the Author — Donna Greco

Donna Greco is the Training and Technical Assistance Director at the National Sexual Violence
Resource Center. Donna has worked in the anti-sexual violence movement for 12 years as a
counselor/advocate, policy advocate, trainer, and writer. She has focused much of her efforts on the
intersections between sexual violence and economic insecurity.


National Sexual Violence Resource Center

Founded by the Pennsylvania Coalition Against Rape in 2000, the National Sexual Violence
Resource Center (NSVRC) identifies, develops and disseminates resources regarding all
aspects of sexual violence prevention and intervention. NSVRC activities include training and
technical assistance, referrals, consultation, systems advocacy, resource library, capacity-building,
integrating research findings with community-based projects, coordinating Sexual Assault
Awareness Month, cosponsoring national conferences and events, and creating Web-based and
social networking resources.


Victim Rights Law Center

The Victim Rights Law Center (VRLC) is a nonprofit organization based in Boston,
Massachusetts, with a satellite office in Portland, Oregon. The mission of the VRLC is to provide
legal representation to victims of rape and sexual assault to help rebuild their lives, and to promote
a national movement committed to seeking justice for every rape and sexual assault victim. The
VRLC meets its mission through direct representation of victims in Massachusetts (in education,
immigration, privacy, employment, housing, physical safety, and other civil and administrative
matters) and national legal advocacy, training, and education regarding civil remedies for victims
of sexual assault. The VRLC has a particular focus on meeting the needs of victims of non-intimate
partner sexual assault. The breadth of VRLC’s work reflects the deep and reverberating impact
of sexual assault throughout all aspects of a victim’s life, as well as the importance of holding
offenders accountable for the consequences of their actions.



SECTION TEN
___________________________________________________________________________________

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*Image* (Little girl playing hopscotch)


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